Bridging extremes: The intersection of neo-Nazi activism and accelerationism
11 December 2024
Modern neo-Nazi accelerationism is dominated by the ideology of James Mason’s book Siege, which disavows public-facing activism and conventional electoral politics in favor of violence and terrorism. However, some proponents have sought to combine both strategies. This Dispatch analyzes the motivations behind this seemingly contradictory behavior, drawing on two case studies of individuals associated with both accelerationist and white nationalist activist groups. Understanding this crossover will enable policymakers and law enforcement to better counter the risks it poses, including efforts by accelerationists to mobilize members of activist groups to violence.
Introduction
Accelerationism is a doctrine adopted by many violent extremists which seeks to hasten the collapse of modern societal and political structures. Most accelerationist neo-Nazis are heavily inspired by Siege, a series of essays written by neo-Nazi James Mason, as well as writings from the now-defunct Iron March forum. Drawing on those texts, they advocate for the use of targeted violence, including industrial sabotage and terrorism, while also encouraging adherents to “drop out” of the system to starve it of resources and legitimacy. By contrast, white nationalist activists seek to work within the system to promote anti-migrant and other racist policies by engaging in lawful activities such as protests, banner drops and stickering.
For a subset of accelerationist neo-Nazis (often called ‘Siege accelerationists’ due to the importance of Mason’s book to their ideology), activism has typically been viewed as ideologically impure, tactically unsound and ineffective in advancing their goals of collapsing modern society to enable the formation of a white ethnostate. However, this Dispatch shows that neo-Nazi accelerationism and white nationalist activism are not mutually exclusive: some accelerationists combine public-facing activism with their support for ideological violence. Using two case studies—Kristoffer Nippak (alleged Atomwaffen Division member) and Andrew Takhistov (alleged Terrorgram affiliate) — we demonstrate the challenge that this development poses for law enforcement.
Case studies of the overlap between Siege accelerationism and public activism
Kristoffer Nippak
Kristoffer Nippak is a Canadian national who played an influential role in both Siege accelerationist groups and public-facing neo-Nazi activist networks. In December 2023, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) announced his arrest for assisting in the creation of recruitment videos for the Atomwaffen Division (AWD). Media reports revealed that Nippak was a founder of AWD in Canada. They also revealed that he is a long-term associate of prolific propaganda artist Patrick MacDonald (also known as “Dark Foreigner”), who was himself arrested by the RCMP earlier in 2023.
Canadian AWD members clearly articulated their accelerationist ideology in a 2019 propaganda video, where they threatened to use violence and terror to destroy the system and replace it with a “new order.” But despite founding AWD in Canada and appearing to adhere to a Siege accelerationist ideology, Nippak pivoted to public-facing activism after AWD was banned in 2021. According to the RCMP, many former AWD members joined the Active Club network. Vice News identified Nippak as a leading figure who travelled internationally to set up white supremacist clubs.
Figure 1. Image from a propaganda video allegedly produced by Canadian members of Atomwaffen Division.
A blog identified in the media as being operated by Nippak reveals that prior to his arrest, he was a passionate believer in the role of public-facing activism and ‘boots-on-the-ground’ organizing among Neo-Nazi groups. In this blog, which was launched in March 2022 and abandoned in July 2023, Nippak reported that he marched with the ‘nationalist bloc’ in the 2022 Polish Independence Day rally, raised thousands of dollars for his “nationalist comrades in the Ukrainian struggle”, was detained by authorities in multiple countries, and posted lengthy essays outlining his ideology and support for public-facing activism.
In a post published a few months before his arrest, Nippak indicated that his most important piece of writing was an essay advocating for an ‘Intermarium Alliance,’ a geopolitical project espoused by leaders within the neo-Nazi Azov Movement in Ukraine. In the essay, he describes this alliance as a power bloc consisting of several Eastern European countries that are united in a “racial union,” which would liberate “each European country one by one, installing local nationalists into power and de-diversifying Europe one country at a time.” Nippak saw this project as a goal that all white people — both within and outside of Eastern Europe — can strive towards. His plan to spread this idea globally includes activism, political agitation and the formation of relationships with fellow white nationalists. This interest in more conventional politics and the formation of geopolitical alliances stands in stark contrast to most accelerationists, who have abandoned the desire to work through existing systems.
While Nippak’s blog may suggest a maturing or mellowing of his worldview from his earlier activity with AWD, there are still clues that he is committed to targeted violence and accelerationism. For example, he glorified the deceased leader of a violent neo-Nazi group that declared war on the US government in the early 1980s and terrorized civilians through a series of armed robberies, bombings and murders. Nippak also expressed admiration for a deceased skinhead who led an organization which filmed members beating and murdering both migrants and homeless people across Russia.
Nippak’s case illustrates that despite the general disapproval voiced by accelerationist networks towards public-facing activism, adherents sometimes participate in or even lead activist communities. It also illuminates a broader strategy employed by some neo-Nazi accelerationists whereby they join less radical organizations to expand their influence.
Andrew Takhistov
Andrew Takhistov is an 18-year-old New Jersey resident who was simultaneously part of online neo-Nazi accelerationist networks and offline activist groups. In July 2024, the US Department of Justice announced his arrest on charges of soliciting an individual to attack an electrical substation in furtherance of his white supremacist ideology. Takhistov was arrested by authorities while en route to Ukraine, where he was planning to join the far-right Russian Volunteer Corps. He hoped that the training he would gain related to combat, assassinations and sabotage would increase his capacity to conduct a successful attack upon his return to the US.
According to the criminal complaint, Takhistov was deeply entrenched in the online Siege accelerationist milieu. Between September 2023 and early 2024, he advocated for the genocide of certain ethnic minority groups, shared a quote from Adolf Hitler that promoted terrorism as “the best political weapon”, and praised mass shooters often venerated by accelerationists including the perpetrators of the 2018 shooting at a synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and the 2019 shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand. Takhistov also called for the killing and beheading of perceived political enemies and claimed to have contributed to the creation of a publication released by the Terrorgram Collective in 2022. The document espouses neo-Nazi accelerationism and provides granular information regarding the construction of weapons and attack planning. It also features slick artwork designed to attract and radicalize viewers into conducting acts of violence.
At the same time, Takhistov was involved in less outwardly violent groups which emphasize the role of public activism in spreading racist ideas. Throughout 2023 and early 2024, Takhistov heavily promoted seemingly non-violent activist groups on social media, including one that presents itself as seeking “peaceful political change through the education of the masses.” Messages collected from Takhistov’s accounts suggest that he was involved in and attended rallies led by multiple activist groups in the mid-Atlantic region, and that he frequently praised white nationalist activist groups including White Lives Matter and Patriot Front.
This support for both activism and accelerationism seems contradictory. For example, Takhistov suggested that public activism by neo-Nazi movements had been ineffective since the beginning of the Ku Klux Klan and that the most productive actions were performed by mass casualty attackers. Takhistov also asserted that public rallies and protests would not bring about his desired white supremacist vision. Instead, he called for a catastrophic attack such as the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing to “wake up” the masses.
Figure 2. Photograph posted by Takhistov of a joint rally held by numerous neo-Nazi groups.
Takhistov did not simply post about public activism but actively participated in such events. In March 2024, he participated in a New Jersey rally aimed at generating support for Robert Rundo, the imprisoned founder of the Active Club network. Later that month, Takhistov scouted locations for future rallies. He also expressed interest in protesting at the home of an alleged anti-fascist and a Jewish community center.
At the same time, Takhistov did not abandon his accelerationist goals. He remained committed to the industrial sabotage plot that resulted in his arrest. He also encouraged an associate to start a “hiking club” to gradually radicalize recruits towards violence. The latter may be an indication that Takhistov saw his fellow activists as potential recruits for the accelerationist cause.
A post reflecting on the achievements of the white supremacist movement in 2023 provides insight into Takhistov’s support for activism. He praised “more optically appealing groups” such as Patriot Front and the Active Club networks for their growth and insertion into American culture. He also pointed to the increasing presence of white supremacists in local politics. Despite the disapproval and cynicism of activism shared by many neo-Nazi accelerationists, Takhistov shows that such actors may be intimately involved in public-facing groups that claim to be peaceful.
Policy implications and conclusions
The interplay between Siege-inspired accelerationism and public-facing activism demands a more nuanced understanding of the threat and presents numerous implications for policymakers seeking to address it. As illustrated by these case studies and previous research, white supremacists seldom operate within a single group or subculture. Instead, they are entrenched in a broader network within which extremists may participate in multiple ideological communities, and can identify as a member or supporter of more than one “branded” entity. Researchers and law enforcement should not overestimate the significance or ideological coherence of a particular group. Instead, they should recognize that members or supporters may be motivated by a complex and even diverging array of worldviews and grievances, leading them to adopt various strategies to achieve their goals.
This nuanced understanding of extremist networks should also be applied to the individuals that comprise them. Policymakers and practitioners might assume that the members of a particular group or network share the same worldview and strategy. However, there is often significant variation in key characteristics including ideology and commitment to the cause. The case studies above are prime examples of this, as both individuals presented as hardcore accelerationists online but showed ideological flexibility allowing them to participate in public-facing activism.
This understanding will enable law enforcement and policymakers to better grapple with the nature of the threats posed by both accelerationists and “less extreme” white nationalist groups that engage in public-facing activism. As these case studies show, activist groups can serve as a vector for accelerationists to radicalize and recruit; membership in such organizations does not preclude participation in more dangerous movements.
Another critical consideration for those seeking to understand and combat the threat posed by neo-Nazi accelerationists is that these actors are becoming increasingly emboldened, entering more mainstream and seemingly non-violent spaces. Previous ISD research has shown that Siege-inspired accelerationists are attempting to hijack more moderate groups and communities that do not explicitly advocate for violence. The degree to which these efforts have been successful is often questionable; however, policymakers, practitioners and the broader public must remain vigilant about the prospect of violent accelerationists infiltrating or masquerading under the guise of more mainstream communities.
