Far-right extremism in Israel encompasses a broad spectrum of ideologies and movements, although many share overlapping goals and common features. This Dispatch provides an overview of key ideologies, groups and figures in contemporary Israeli far-right extremism. This is often, though not exclusively, framed within religious Zionism, although religious belief and identity are of course not inherently far-right or extremist.^[1]

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The article places the rise of the Israeli far-right in a global context,^{[2] [3]} and provides insights into the post-7 October 2023 surge in far-right extremist activity. Following Hamas’s attack on Israel, the deadliest terrorist attack by number of fatalities per capita since 1970 when data collection began, far-right figures have called for the expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza, and far-right policies have gained traction among parts of Israeli society.

We review four key interlinked strands within Israeli far-right extremism:

• Kahanism
• Violent Settler Extremism
• Extremist Far-Right Parties in Contemporary Israeli Politics
• Extremist Far-Right Groups in Israel

Kahanism

Much of contemporary far-right Israeli extremism, and connected extremism abroad, is inspired by Kahanism, a religious-nationalist Jewish supremacist ideology based on the ideas of Rabbi Meir Kahane. The New York-born rabbi founded the racist and Jewish supremacist Jewish Defence League in New York in the 1960s before emigrating to Israel in 1971, where he created the political party Kach. This was banned in 1988 for incitement to racism; it was designated as a terrorist organisation by Israel and later by the United States after supporter Baruch Goldstein killed 29 Palestinian civilians in 1994.

Kahanism envisions a state governed by an ultra-conservative interpretation of Jewish law (halacha), emphasising segregation and the prohibition of sexual relations between Jews and non-Jews. It also advocates the expulsion of Palestinians and non-Jews from Israel and the occupied territories if they do not submit to secondary status. The state of Israel, in this context, is seen as a means to restore God and the Jewish people through acts of revenge.^[4]

Kahane was particularly concerned about secular and liberal Judaism, warning that “this malignancy of gentilised foreign culture”^[5] and “born-by-accident Jews” represented the greatest threat to the Jewish state and people. He advocated for violent confrontation with liberal and secular Jews as well as Arabs to achieve his vision of a theocratic, racist and supremacist state in the biblical land of Israel.^[6]

Although most of Kahane’s organisations are inactive today, his legacy in Israel is reflected in the increasing presence of Jewish supremacism and calls for the expulsion of Palestinians across far right political parties – policies which remain associated with Kahanism. Contemporary far-right groups labelled ‘neo-Kahanist’ such as the political party Otzma Yehudit, discussed below, now wield considerable political influence^[7]. However, Kahane scholar Shaul Magid notes that Israeli ‘neo-Kahanism’ integrates the religious Zionist ideology of Rabbi Rav Kook – which regards the state as holy and secular Zionism as a partner, rather than a threat – and only grew after Kahane’s death.^[8]

 

Violent Settler Extremism

The settler movement refers to Israelis who seek to build and expand Jewish communities within the territories conquered by Israel in 1967. Around 700,000 Israeli citizens live in settlements in the West Bank regarded as illegal under international law, many of which have been recognised by the Israeli government. Although a large number of those who now live in settlements were attracted by economic prospects and government subsidies, the organised settler movement is typically motivated by religious-nationalist ideals.^[9]

While the broader movement is neither extremist nor far-right under ISD’s framework, an extremist subset continues to claim new territory in defiance of international and Israeli law emboldened by far-right figures in government. Palestinian communities including Masafer Yatta, Nabi Saleh and Huwara have suffered ‘price tag’ attacks, collective punishment for actions against the settler movement. This manifests in vandalism, harassment, intimidation and even murder, including an act of arson which killed an 18-month-old child.

The vanguard of violent settler extremism is the Hilltop Youth. A movement rather than an organisation, Hilltop Youth activists establish outposts on hilltops in populated Palestinian territory in the West Bank, in the hope of establishing enduring settlements and intimidating local Palestinian communities. They are estimated to number some several hundred but enjoy support from parts of the settler movement.^[10] Kahane’s grandson Meir Ettinger is an ideological leader of the movement and was detained in 2015 for founding an organisation named ‘The Revolt’, which aimed to overthrow the Israeli state. The Hilltop Youth have been implicated in a number of killings; despite this, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have recruited specifically from the movement since 2020.

Extremist Parties in Contemporary Israeli Politics

The current Israeli governing coalition includes three far-right parties who ran as an alliance called Religious Zionism: Otzma Yehudit (‘Jewish Power’), the National Religious – Religious Zionist party, and Noam. They support the government’s controversial judicial reforms as well as far-right policies. Religious Zionism won 10.8 percent of vote in 2022, accounting for 14 of 120 Knesset seats. This allowed the alliance to play the role of kingmaker in the 2022 Israeli elections when other parties refused to join a Netanyahu-led government due to the corruption charges against him. It also marked a break from the past when mainstream political parties had refused to join a coalition with the far-right.

Otzma Yehudit has been described by Israeli media as an “ultranationalist, Jewish supremacist political outfit” and the “ideological successor” of Kach. Their platform includes the “emigration of the enemies of the State of Israel to their respective lands, including both Arab and Western countries”, and expanding Jewish settlement in the West Bank. Leader Itamar Ben Gvir, currently minister of national security, is associated with a movement to arm more Israeli Jewish civilians. He was previously a Kach activist. ^[11]

In 2007, Ben Gvir was convicted of incitement to racism and supporting a terrorist organization. He has since taken steps to moderate his rhetoric, telling supporters to chant “death to terrorists” rather than “death to Arabs” in 2022.

Ben Gvir is associated with the racist organisation Lehava as well as the Hilltop Youth. Kahane scholar Shaul Magid argues that while the Hilltop Youth want to overthrow the state, Ben Gvir wants to transform it, reflecting ideological divergences within the neo-Kahanist movement.

The National-Religious – Religious Zionism Party is a merger of religious far-right parties led by Bezalel Smotrich, the Israeli finance minister who has broad authority over the Israeli governing body in the West Bank.^[13] Like Otzma Yehudit, it advocates for the annexation of a large part of the West Bank with some members supporting a full annexation. Smotrich was detained in 2005 for terrorist offences related to the Gaza disengagement; in 2006, he established pro-settler organisation Regavim, which seeks to prevent the development of Palestinian constructions in the West Bank. He is a religious fundamentalist, and considered the most prominent spokesperson for post-statist, hardline religious nationalist Jews.

Smotrich once described himself as a “fascist homophobe” and has expressed a desire to see Israel operate as it did in the time of King David and King Solomon. In 2023, he called for the West Bank Palestinian town of Huwara to be “erased” by the Israeli state.

Post-7 October, Ben Gvir and Smotrich have been leading advocates for the “population transfer” of Gazans and the Jewish resettlement of Gaza; NGOs and commentators have described this as a euphemism for ethnic cleansing.

Noam was founded in 2019, led by Avi Maoz, deputy minister of the newly-formed Jewish National Identity office. Noam seeks to restrict liberal, feminist and LGBTQ+ influence in the public sphere, prohibit women from the military, and reject religious pluralism including secular and Reform Judaism. The group considers liberal and LGBTQ+ values to be malign foreign influences. The party also wants to limit the Law of Return to exclude non-Orthodox converts and others it deems gentiles, such as those who emigrate to Israel under the ‘grandchild’ clause.

Extremist Far-Right Groups in Israel

Lehava^[14] is a far-right religious extremist group established to prevent what it calls “assimilation”, particularly relations between Jewish women and Arabs; it is also antipathetic to Christians, the LGBTQ+ community, Muslims and Arabs. Lehava was founded in 2009 by Bentzi Gopstein, who was convicted of incitement to racism in January 2024, and has espoused support for the burning of churches and mosques. He is considered influential in Otzma Yehudit despite lacking an official position and is Ben Gvir’s “best friend”, according to Israeli pro-coexistence organisation Tag Meir.

In 2013, Gopstein’s daughter’s wedding party became notorious as the “wedding of hate” when a video emerged of guests stabbing the image of an 18-month old Palestinian infant who had been burned to death in a price tag killing. In 2014, two Lehava activists torched a bilingual Jewish-Arab school and sprayed “Kahane was right” on the walls. It has been blamed for the more extremist rhetoric and violence at the annual Jerusalem ‘Flag March’, alongside far-right group La Familia (explained below).

La Familia began as a fan club for the Israeli football team Beitar Jerusalem Football Club^[15] which is associated with right-wing political parties and Mizrahi identity. It was described by a former member as a “fascist organisation”, with favoured slogans including “We are the [most] racist team in the country”, “Muhammad is a homosexual” and “Death to Arabs”.

La Familia has been involved in attacks on Palestinian bystanders, journalists and anti-Netanyahu protesters. In 2014, La Familia members were convicted of the kidnap and murder of a Palestinian teen; in 2015, the group chanted the name of the extremist who assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995. Former President of Israel Reuven Rivlin said the silence of Israeli officials had legitimised extremism amongst fans.

Post-7 October Surge in Far-right Extremist Activity and International Context

Since the devastating terrorist attack on Israel that took place on 7 October, 2023, commentators have raised alarms about the normalisation of anti-Palestinian sentiment in Israeli popular culture and official rhetoric, and evidenced the link between such discourse and the normalisation of war crimes and abuse of detainees.  In addition to US condemnation and sanctions, states including the UK, Australia and the EU released a joint statement, criticising the sharp rise in settler violence in the West Bank and Israel’s failure to protect Palestinian civilians.^[16]

As with other actors involved in the conflict including Hezbollah and Ansar Allah (‘the Houthis’), Israeli far-right accounts experienced significant increases in followers post-7 October. A Telegram account affiliated with prominent far-right rapper Yoav Eliasi (‘the Shadow’), had its follower count increase by more than 100,000 from some 193,300 on 5 October, 2023 to 327,770 by 7 January, 2024.

In the international context, pro-Palestinian protests and the Israel-Hamas war serve as a potent flashpoint for ideological cross-fertilisation and coalition building. Diverse far-right groups conceptualise a nebulous and interconnected threat to their idea of the nation or ‘Western civilisation’. This threat combines migrants, Muslims, and anarchists/antifa. The English Defence League (EDL) in the UK and the Soldiers of Odin Canada are among the far-right, anti-migrant, and anti-Muslim organisations to have connected with far-right Jewish extremist groups outside of Israel.

The hybridisation of these narratives mirrors other recent cases identified by ISD, including neo-Nazi accelerationist support for Hamas and Hindutva links with Western far-right groups targeting Muslims. There are also connections between Jewish far-right extremists outside of Israel and far-right extremists within Israel. The example below right depicts an online discussion between former JDL activists from Canada and the US and Israeli politician Shmuel Sackett.

Following the 7 October attack, Israeli disinformation watchdog Fake Reporter documented an uptick in far-right extremist activity as extremist groups in Israel took “advantage of the chaos to organise online to go out and carry out hate attacks”. Both Lehava and La Familia members